Transparency Must Accompany Financial Oversight
By: Rachel Marsden
PARIS -- On the occasion of President Obama's State of the Union address this 
week, marking five years since he was sworn into office with the stated primary 
objective of turning around the post-crisis domestic economy, it's worth asking: 
Is America safe from another economic crisis?
Despite the regulatory efforts hustled in as a result of public panic and a 
political class desperate to be seen doing something, the initial problems 
remain, and the next crisis could be even worse. Among the major problems: risky 
loans to those who can't repay them. Liberal advocacy groups such as Association 
of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN), pushed lenders such as Fannie 
Mae and Freddie Mac to grant loans to borrowers who couldn't afford repayment.
The underlying problem still exists, and the new regulations are pure political 
theater.
"You can't repeal the laws of supply and demand or prevent financial crisis," 
says regulatory expert Donald Lamson, a partner at the law firm Shearman & 
Sterling. "Thus you'll always be tempted to save large institutions to prevent 
pain on a large scale."
The U.S. government continues its bureaucratic empire-building, venturing down 
the slippery slope of regulating everything from banks and insurers to, most 
recently, asset managers. And who's to say that it will stop there?
So what are the actual regulations to be imposed by the U.S. Federal Reserve on 
financial entities designated as systemically important and "too big to fail"? 
The Financial Stability Board (FSB), the international entity based in Basel, 
Switzerland, tasked by the leaders of G20 nations with establishing global 
post-crisis guidelines, is still trying to figure it out. Meanwhile, each (G20) 
country is supposed to diligently designate inmates for this regulatory gulag 
without knowing exactly what they'll be faced with, let alone whether any 
proposed regulations can pass a stress test. Just as we saw with the Kyoto 
Protocol climate-change provisions (before the U.S. came to its senses), America 
has been quick off the mark to voluntarily straitjacket its home team on the 
global playing field.
But if there are going to be useless regulations, it's only fair that everyone 
be subjected to the same uselessness -- and for the public to be able to see 
this riveting exercise in sadism and masochism. Sadly, that's not happening. At 
least the Federal Reserve's 2008 Troubled Asset Relief Program bailout process 
was transparently debated in Congress. That process has now been moved into the 
shadows.
A U.S. Treasury agency called the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC), 
created by the Dodd-Frank Act, is tasked with designating "too big to fail" 
entities -- choosing who'll be subjected to inspections by government 
bureaucrats trying to justify their existence, plus new and still-undefined 
requirements related to capital, investments and liquidity. This all ensures 
that when the next crisis happens, the process will be so ineffectively 
Byzantine and unwieldy that no politician will want to take a lead role in 
untangling the mess.
The FSOC debates over these designations have become increasingly secretive, 
with the public portion of their meetings growing shorter, and any dissenting 
views reduced from multiple pages of argumentation in some cases to a mere few 
lines -- even when those dissenting views belong to the individuals with the 
most expertise in the subject under debate.
Chairing the FSOC subcommittee responsible for selecting the entities to undergo 
this designation process is 33-year-old Treasury hotshot Amias Gerety, the 
FSOC's deputy assistant secretary. Along with Daniel Tarullo, a committee chair 
at the Financial Stability Board and the Federal Reserve's informally designated 
lead governor for bank regulatory purposes, Gerety emerged from Obama's favorite 
think tank and talent pool: the George Soros-funded Center for American 
Progress.
Seemingly aware of the transparency problem, Gerety testified in writing last 
year to a congressional subcommittee that the FSOC had improved its website and 
access to council documents, and that it actively supports public collaboration. 
Then how about telling folks exactly how they might go about collaborating? And 
what about making the debates more transparent, too? What the public is keen to 
know is whether you folks are spitballing it -- as everyone else in this Kabuki 
theater production seems to be doing. In fact, this whole process really belongs 
in Congress among accountable elected representatives.
This month, for example, Bloomberg reported that FSOC regulators were getting 
around to considering Obama's favorite billionaire Warren Buffett's Berkshire 
Hathaway for the Federal Reserve regulatory gulag, given that it obviously meets 
the primary (and perhaps only truly discernible) designation factor in rulings 
thus far: asset size. Naturally, FSOC officially refused to discuss it.
One would think that as servants of the people, they'd feel less entitled to 
opacity while playing capitalist gods in selecting future winners and losers in 
our so-called free market.
COPYRIGHT 2014 RACHEL MARSDEN